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Showing posts with label ΙΗΣΟΥΣ: ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ΙΗΣΟΥΣ: ΙΣΤΟΡΙΚΟΣ. Show all posts

Monday, October 26, 2020

Christologies & the historical reception
of a divine Jesus /

Χριστολογίες & ιστορική πρόσληψη
του Ιησού ως θεοειδούς

 

Catacombs of Commodilla,
4th cent.
 

Debate over the origins of the belief on Jesus’s divinity remains vibrant. A spectrum of theological ideas has been proposed for centuries, extending from so-called high Christologies that uphold that Jesus was actually God or divine in some way to the low Christologies that endorse that Jesus was virtually a charismatic human being, either an inspired prophet or an exceptional teacher. Adjusting the prism that has produced this range of views affects the way that we receive the historical data. As regards the following discussion, this is emphatically true for the paths that have been followed for reconstructing the actual development of Judaism and Christianity. More specifically, Daniel Boyarin interestingly observed that, “if all the Jews—or even a substantial number—expected that the Messiah would be divine as well as human, then the belief in Jesus as God is not the point of departure on which some new religion came into being but simply another variant (and not a deviant one) of Judaism.” The roots of such beliefs date back to a few centuries BCE.

Η αντιλογία σχετικά με την προέλευση της πίστης στη θειότητα του Ιησού παραμένει ζωηρή. Ένα φάσμα θεολογικών ιδεών έχει προταθεί στο πέρασμα των αιώνων, το οποίο εκτείνεται από τις λεγόμενες υψηλές Χριστολογίες που υποστηρίζουν ότι ο Ιησούς ήταν στην πραγματικότητα Θεός ή θεοειδής κατά κάποιον τρόπο μέχρι τις χαμηλές Χριστολογίες που υποστηρίζουν ότι ο Ιησούς ήταν ουσιαστικά ένας χαρισματικός άνθρωπος, είτε εμπνευσμένος προφήτης είτε εξαιρετικός δάσκαλος. Η θέση που τίθεται το πρίσμα, το οποίο έχει δημιουργήσει αυτό το εύρος απόψεων, επηρεάζει τον τρόπο με τον οποίο προσλαμβάνουμε τα ιστορικά δεδομένα. Όσον αφορά την συζήτηση που ακολουθεί, αυτό ισχύει εμφατικά για τα μονοπάτια που έχουν ακολουθηθεί για την ανασύνθεση της πραγματικής εξέλιξης του Ιουδαϊσμού και του Χριστιανισμού. Πιο συγκεκριμένα, είναι ενδιαφέρουσα η παρατήρηση του Daniel Boyarin ότι, «εάν όλοι οι Ιουδαίοι—ή ακόμη και ένας σημαντικός αριθμός—ανέμεναν ότι ο Μεσσίας θα ήταν θεϊκός καθώς και ανθρώπινος, τότε η πίστη στον Ιησού ως Θεό δεν είναι το σημείο απόκλισης στο οποίο μια νέα θρησκεία ήρθε σε ύπαρξη αλλά απλώς μια ακόμη παραλλαγή (και μάλιστα όχι αποκλίνουσα) του Ιουδαϊσμού». Οι ρίζες τέτοιου είδους πεποιθήσεων χρονολογούνται λίγους αιώνες ΠΚΧ.


Thursday, August 29, 2019

L. Hurtado on the Origins of Devotion to Jesus
in its Ancient Context

Ο Λ. Χουρτάντο περί της Προέλευσης της Αφοσίωσης στον Ιησού
εντός του Αρχαίου Υπόβαθρου




Reverencing Jesus in prayers, hymns, and other devotional actions may be so familiar a part of Christian life and worship that we may not realize how much it was an innovation in the historical setting in which it first appeared.  To be sure, in the larger Roman religious environment of the early first century A.D. there were many deities and divinized human figures, all of whom received worship of various types in the general populace.  But the Jesus-movement (which became “Christianity”) emerged in the more specific setting of ancient Jewish tradition, in which the exclusivity of the one biblical deity was of paramount concern.  In Jewish practice, public worship, including especially sacrifice, was to be restricted solely to the God of Israel, and it was considered idolatry to worship any other figure.  The many gods and deified heroes of the larger Roman world were regarded in Jewish tradition as false and blasphemous.  In this context, the inclusion of Jesus in the worship practices of the early circles of the Jesus-movement was a remarkable and, indeed, unique development.

This gave earliest Christian devotion a distinctive “dyadic” shape, with God and Jesus both featuring centrally in beliefs and worship.  Over against the polytheistic pattern of the larger pagan world, early Christian teaching advocated an exclusivity, with solely one God, and this same exclusivity applied to the one Lord Jesus.  In the context of ancient Jewish tradition, the duality in early Christian beliefs and devotional practice was also distinctive.  The duality did not comprise a di-theism of two deities, however.  Instead, Jesus was reverenced in his relationship to God “the Father,” as the unique Son of God, the Image of God, and Word of God, who had been exalted by God to be Lord of all creation.

It is also important to note that this development happened quite early and quickly, and was more like a volcanic explosion than an incremental process.  Already, in the earliest Christian texts, the undisputed letters of the Apostle Paul, we see reflected a body of christological claims and beliefs, and a pattern of devotional practices that are more taken for granted than explained.  This indicates that by the time of these letters (from ca. 50 A.D. and thereafter) all these phenomena were familiar features of the religious life of circles of the Jesus-movement, both in the various diaspora cities where Paul founded his congregations and also in the Jewish homeland.  So, for example, in these letters Paul refers to Jesus as God’s unique “Son,” indicating a distinctively close relationship of Jesus with God (e.g., Galatians 2:20; Romans 1:4, 9; 8:32.  He also still more frequently refers to Jesus as “Christ” (= Messiah), indicating Jesus’ role and status as the agent of divine redemption (among many examples, Romans 1:1, 8, 21.  Moreover, some two-hundred times Paul refers to Jesus as “the Lord” (Greek:  Kyrios) who has been exalted to supremacy over all things by God (e.g., Philippians 2:9-11).  In these texts, for believers in particular, the exalted Jesus is their Lord to whom they owe obedience and reverence.

Moreover, Paul’s letters also reflect the understanding of Jesus’ crucifixion as part of the divine plan of redemption, and foretold in the Old Testament scriptures (e.g. Romans 3:21-26; 4:24-25; 1 Corinthians 15:1-7).  Already by the time of these Pauline letters, believers had been searching their scriptures and discovering foreshadowings of Jesus in them.  As well, Paul’s letters show the belief that Jesus had been designated from before creation, and, indeed, had been “pre-existent” and was the agent through whom all things were created (e.g., 1 Corinthians 8:4-6).

In addition to these titles and christological claims, Paul’s letters also reflect a developed devotional practice in which Jesus was integral and central.  This included, for example, the invocation and ritual confession of Jesus in early Christian circles.  We see this reflected in Paul’s reference to the confession “Jesus is Lord” and to the ritual invocation of Jesus:  “Everyone who calls on the name of the Lord shall be saved” (Romans 10:9-13).  In this statement we have a biblical expression (“call upon the name of the Lord”) that originally referred to the invocation and worship of God, adapted here to designate the invocation of Jesus (e.g., Genesis 13:4; 21:23; Psalm 116:4, 13).  Indeed, Paul refers to believers simply as “all those in every location who call on the name of our Lord Jesus” (1 Corinthians 1:2), and this ritual acclamation of Jesus as Lord is also reflected in 1 Corinthians 12:3.  Note also Acts 2:21.  Moreover, Paul also refers to this invocation or acclamation of Jesus in an Aramaic expression in the concluding lines of his letter to the Corinthian church (1 Corinthians 16:22).  The expression used here, “Marana tha,” (“Our Lord, come!”), reflects the ritual appeal to the risen Jesus as “Lord” in circles of Aramaic-speaking Jewish believers as well as his own Greek-speaking churches.  Paul does not translate the Aramaic expression here, probably because he had conveyed it to the Corinthians earlier in his time with them.  Similarly, in other texts Paul refers to the practice of addressing God prayerfully in the Aramaic expression “Abba” (“Father,” Galatians 4:6; Romans 8:15).  Paul apparently used these two Aramaic expressions and practices, one addressing God as “Father” and one addressing Jesus as “Our Lord,” to give verbal links between his Greek-speaking converts and the devotional practices of their Aramaic-speaking brothers and sisters.

To cite other devotional practices, the early Christian initiation rite, baptism, was from the first distinguished from other water rituals such as the baptism of John the Baptizer by being done “in Jesus’ name” (e.g., Acts 2:38; 8:16; 10:48; 19:5).  This likely meant that those who were baptized called upon Jesus by name as part of the ritual, and were thereby marked as belonging to him.  Unlike many other water rituals, early Christian baptism was a one-time rite of initiation into Christian fellowship, which was identified specifically with reference to Jesus.

Early Christian circles also typically had a shared meal as part of their gatherings.  In a text where Paul addresses some problems about this meal in the Corinthian congregation, he refers to it as “the Lord’s supper,” and connects it specifically with Jesus’ redemptive death and his future return (1 Corinthians 11:17-34, especially v. 20).  He also likens this corporate meal that honors Jesus to the sacrificial meals in honor of pagan deities, the cup and bread of the Christian meal comprising a sharing (koinōnia) in the blood and body of Christ.  As a further indication of the strong liturgical meaning of the Christian meal, he demands an exclusivity of believers, who are to desist from all such pagan rites and participate only in “the table of the Lord” (1 Corinthians 10:14-22).

In other early Christian texts, we have references to ritual healings and exorcisms done “in the name of Jesus,” which likely means that they too involved calling upon the risen Jesus to effect these deeds (e.g., Acts 3:6; 16:18).  As noted already, the Gospels portray Jesus as himself a healer and exorcist, and the early Christian healing and in one sense exorcism practices are a continuation of his ministry.  But, whereas the Gospels accounts have Jesus healing and exorcising without invoking any other name or power, the early Christian practice of invoking Jesus by name means that his name and power were regarded as the power by which they were able to perform these acts.

As further reflection of the high and central place of Jesus in the early Christian circles, notice the dyadic formula of greeting in Paul’s letters, “grace and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ” (Romans 1:7; 1 Corinthians 1:3; 2 Corinthians 1:2).  Similarly, he refers to “the church of the Thessalonians in God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ” (1 Thessalonians 1:1).  These formulae link God and Jesus uniquely as the sources of grace and the basis of the churches.  Paul’s letters also typically conclude with a benediction from Christ, as in 1 Thessalonians:  “The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you” (1 Thessalonians 5:28, with slight variations also in Philippians 4:23; Galatians 6:18; 1 Corinthians 16:23; Romans 16:20, and there is also the triadic benediction in 2 Corinthians 13:10).  These expressions at the beginning and ending of his letters are now commonly thought to be Paul’s use of phrases that originated in group worship settings, and Paul appears to have used them to fit his letters for reading in the churches to which the letters were sent.  On this basis, these expressions also give us glimpses of how Jesus was included with God in liturgical practices of greeting and blessing in early Christian circles.

Indeed, Paul’s letters also reflect the practice of including Jesus in prayer-appeals as co-recipient with God, as in 1 Thessalonians, “Now may our God and Father himself and our Lord Jesus direct our way to you.”  And Paul continues with a prayer-wish that “the Lord” (Jesus) may cause the Thessalonian believers to increase in love and be strengthened in holiness (1 Thessalonians 3:11-13).  In another letter, Paul refers to his own repeated prayer-appeals directly to Jesus to remove an affliction (2 Corinthians 12:8).  In still another context, where he directs the Corinthian church to discipline an erring believer, Paul refers to pronouncing judgment “in the name of the Lord Jesus,” and to acting “with the power of our Lord Jesus” (1 Corinthians 5:3-5).  This apparently involved a ritual expulsion of the offender from the church, but the point here is that the authority and power of the ritual is ascribed to the risen Jesus.

In all of these beliefs and devotional practices (and still others) the risen and exalted Jesus is central, and is joined with God as unique focus of faith and co-recipient of reverence.  Note, for example, how Acts refers to the church in Antioch “worshipping the Lord” (Jesus), who is then depicted as speaking through Christian prophets, directing that Paul and Barnabas should be commissioned for the ensuing mission-travels related in the ensuing chapters (Acts 13:2-3).  In a vision-scene, the book of Revelation portrays heavenly worship of God (“he who sits on the throne”) and the risen Jesus (“the lamb”) jointly, which likely reflects the sort of dyadic worship pattern long familiar to the author (Revelation 5:9-14).  To underscore the chronological point here, this body of beliefs and practices clearly emerged and became familiar features of circles of believers within the scarcely two decades between Jesus’ crucifixion and the earliest of Paul’s letters.

Indeed, we should probably judge that this remarkable development emerged within the very earliest years, perhaps more accurately within the earliest months, after Jesus’ death, ca. 30 A.D.  For prior to the experience that produced his profound religious re-orientation, Paul (then a zealous Pharisee) was a determined opponent of the young Jesus-movement seeking, in his own words, to “destroy” it (Galatians 1:13-16; Philippians 3:4-6).  Paul refers to the “Damascus road” experience that produced his remarkable change in his religious stance as a “revelation” of Jesus as rightfully God’s unique Son (Galatians 1:16).  This suggests that the core content of the experience was a radical revision of his view of Jesus in particular, whom Paul may initially have regarded as a false teacher and perhaps even as accursed by God.  Now Paul’s revelatory experience is commonly dated within one to two years after Jesus’ crucifixion.  So, already at that point, in the earliest years after Jesus’ crucifixion, this young Pharisee, who professes to have been exceptionally zealous for his ancestral tradition, found the young Jesus-movement sufficiently offensive to generate his outrage and his efforts to oppose it strenuously.

As to what may have generated his outrage, it is a reasonable proposal that the sort of strong claims about Jesus and the devotional practices that are reflected in his letters were at least one factor.  That is, initially he likely found these christological claims and practices to be blasphemous infringements on the exclusivity of the one God that all Jews were expected to maintain, but his revelatory experience led him to embrace the very stance that he had opposed.  In his sense of being specifically called to conduct an evangelical mission to gentiles, Paul seems to have felt a distinctive role.  But in the core christological beliefs and devotional practices reflected in his letters, Paul was neither distinctive nor creative.  Instead, he reflects beliefs and devotional practices that he accepted as part of his religious re-orientation from opponent to proponent of the gospel message.

One of the factors that generated this remarkable devotion to Jesus in earliest Christian circles was, of course, the impact of the historical figure, Jesus of Nazareth.  During his own lifetime he generated and became the leader of a movement that was identified specifically with him.  Jesus was regarded by his immediate followers and more widely as an authoritative teacher, a healer exercising miraculous power, a prophet sent from God, and perhaps God’s Messiah.  But he also generated opposition.  With the collusion of the Jerusalem temple authorities, Jesus was executed under the authority of the Roman governor.  This appears to reflect the judgement that he claimed to be, or at least was acclaimed by his followers as, the Messiah-king, which amounted to sedition against Roman rule.  On the other hand, his followers especially, but also others such as those who sought his favour in healing, revered him, as reflected in the many Gospels scenes where supplicants approach him.  But there is no indication that this reverence included the sort of devotional practices that we see reflected in Paul’s letters.  In short, although Jesus became the polarizing issue for followers and opponents already during his earthly activity, and was even held to be Messiah by at least some of his followers, he was not given the remarkably high level of reverence that appears to have erupted quickly and early after his crucifixion.

So, additional factors and forces must have played a role in generating what was an unprecedented “mutation” in Jewish devotional practice.  Indeed, it is likely that self-identifying Jews could have given Jesus the sort of devotion that we have noted only if they believed that God demanded it.  The conviction that God had exalted Jesus to a supreme status and now required him to be reverenced accordingly is reflected in texts such as a passage in Paul’s letter to the Philippians, which declares, “God highly exalted him [Jesus] and gave him the name that is above every name, so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bend, in heaven and on earth and under the earth, and every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father” (Philippians 2:9-11).  Similarly, the Gospel of John makes the claim that God requires “that all may honor the Son just as they honor the Father,” and that “anyone who does not honor the Son does not honor the Father who sent him” (John 5:23).  So, how could early believers have come to this remarkable conviction?

At the earliest stage, we should probably posit powerful experiences as a factor.  These likely included visions of the risen and exalted Jesus, perhaps prophetic oracles declaring his exaltation, and also a fervent searching of scriptures to find the meaning and validation of their experiences.  As noted already, Paul certainly claimed that his own affirmation of Jesus’ high status was generated in an experience that he took to be a divine revelation.  The early encounters with the resurrected Jesus such as those recounted by Paul to the Corinthians likely conveyed more than simply the joy that he had been made alive again (1 Corinthians 15:1-8).  Those who had these experiences seem to have been convinced that Jesus’ resurrection also included his installation as Lord over all things.  This seems reflected, for example, in Paul’s linkage of Jesus’ resurrection and his supreme rule in a passage in 1 Corinthians (1 Corinthians 15:20-28).
But the exaltation of Jesus to such a lofty status did not involve any diminution of the primacy of God.  In fact, practically every christological claim in the New Testament texts is at the same time a theo-logical statement.  It is, for example, God who raised Jesus and installed him as supreme Lord.  Jesus did not displace God in the beliefs and devotional practices of early believers.  Instead, as noted already, their beliefs and practices formed a dyadic pattern involving both the one God and the one Lord, and their reverence of Jesus was understood as obedience to God, and to the glory of God.

For further reading:
Larry W. Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ:  Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity (Grand Rapids/Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2003).  French edition:  Le Seigneur Jésus Christ: La devotion envers Jésus aux premiers temps du christianisme.  Paris:  Éditions du Cerf, 2009.
Larry W. Hurtado, God in New Testament Theology (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2010). French edition:  <> dans la théologie du Nouveau Testament.  Lectio Divina.  Paris:  Éditions du Cerf, 2011.

* Larry Hurtado, The Origins of Devotion to Jesus in its Ancient Context, Blog, August 23, 2019.


Saturday, June 8, 2013

Ignatius of Antioch for Jesus:
The “self-resurrected” /

Ο Ιγνάτιος Αντιοχείας για τον Ιησού:
Ο “αυτοαναστημένος”







τοῦτον ὁ θεὸς ἤγειρεν [ἐν] τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ
καὶ ἔδωκεν αὐτὸν ἐμφανῆ γενέσθαι
.

—Acts of Apostles / Πράξεις των Αποστόλων 10:40.



Ταῦτα γὰρ πάντα ἔπαθεν δι’ ἡμᾶς,
ἵνα σωθῶμεν·
καὶ ἀληθῶς ἔπαθεν,
ὡς καὶ ἀληθῶς ἀνέστησεν ἑαυτόν.


Ignatius of Antioch, Epistle to the Smyrnaeans /
Ιγνάτιος Αντιοχείας, Προς Σμυρναίους 2:1.


* Larry W. Hurtado,
Resurrection-Faith and the ‘Historical’ Jesus
Η περί Ανάστασης Πίστη και ο “Ιστορικός” Ιησούς»],
Journal for the Study of the Historical Jesus,
Brill, 11 (2013),
pp./σσ. 35–52.

* 

 

Monday, April 1, 2013

Ο B. Lohse
περί της πρωτοχριστιανικής αντίληψης
περί Θεού & Χριστού /

B. Lohse
on the early Christian notion
of God & Christ








Ειδικά αναφορικά με τις απαρχές του δόγματος της Τριάδας εξακολουθεί να υφίσταται μεγάλη αβεβαιότητα. Σε αυτό το ζήτημα δεν έχει επιτευχθεί οριστική διασαφήνιση.

Όσον αφορά την Καινή Διαθήκη, δεν μπορεί να βρει κανείς σε αυτήν ένα πραγματικό δόγμα περί Τριάδας.

Ο Ιουδαϊσμός, ο οποίος αποτέλεσε το περιβάλλον μέσα στο οποίο οι πρώτοι χριστιανοί έζησαν και από το οποίο προήλθαν οι ίδιοι, ήταν πάντοτε μια αυστηρά μονοθεϊστική θρησκεία. Από αυτόν κληρονόμησε ο χριστιανισμός τον μονοθεϊσμό.

Ευθύς εξαρχής, φυσικά, οι χριστιανοί όχι μόνο πίστευαν στον Θεό με την έννοια που πίστευαν οι Ιουδαίοι, αλλά πίστευαν επίσης και στον Χριστό. Το Άγιο Πνεύμα, επίσης, αναφερόταν πιο συχνά από αυτούς και με τρόπο
διαφορετικό.

[Ο Ιησούς Χριστός θεωρούνταν από τους χριστιανούς] ότι βρισκόταν σε ασύγκριτα στενή και αδιάλυτη ενότητα με τον Πατέρα.

* Bernhard Lohse,
A short history of Christian doctrine
[Σύντομη ιστορία του χριστιανικού δόγματος],
Fortress Press, 1966,
p./σ. 38.



Saturday, September 22, 2012

Francis Watson:

“The Gospel of Jesus’ Wife:
How a fake Gospel-Fragment
was composed” /

«Το Ευαγγέλιο της Συζύγου του Ιησού:
Πώς συντάχθηκε
ένα πλαστό Ευαγγέλιο-Σπάραγμα»







1] «όχι [σε] εμένα. Η μητέρα μου μού έδωσε ζω[ή...»
2] Οι μαθητές είπαν στον Ιησού: «[
3] αρνηθεί. Η Μαρία είναι άξια για αυτό35 . [
4] ...» Ο Ιησούς τους είπε: «Η σύζυγός μου . . [
5] ... θα μπορέσει να είναι μαθήτριά μου . . [
6] Ας φουσκώσουν οι πονηροί άνθρωποι ... [
7] Όσο για εμένα, κατοικώ μαζί της ώστε να . [
8] μια εικόνα [

35 Ή εναλλακτικά: Η Μαρία δ[εν] είναι άξια για αυτό.



A gospel or gospel-fragment might be regarded as “fake” whether its author belongs to the ancient or the modern world. In both cases, the aim would be to persuade as many readers as possible to take the new text seriously – as a window onto unknown aspects of Jesus’ life, or how it was perceived by his later followers. In her thorough and helpful analysis of the text that is coming to be known as the Gospel of Jesus’ Wife (GJW), Karen King rightly points out that new items of information about the historical Jesus are not to be expected from it.1 It can though provide valuable insights into early Christian debates about sexuality and gender. At least, it can do so if it is “genuine”, genuinely old. King admits to initial scepticism, but is now convinced that this papyrus fragment derives from a fourth century copy of a second century text.

I shall argue here that scepticism is exactly the right attitude. The text has been constructed out of small pieces – words or phrases – culled mostly from the Coptic Gospel of Thomas (GTh), Sayings 101 and 114, and set in new contexts. This is most probably the compositional procedure of a modern author who is not a native speaker of Coptic.

* Francis Watson,
The Gospel of Jesus’ Wife: How a fake Gospel-Fragment was composed
Το Ευαγγέλιο της Συζύγου του Ιησού: Πώς συντάχθηκε ένα πλαστό Ευαγγέλιο-Σπάραγμα»],
20 September/Σεπτεμβρίου 2012.

[English/Αγγλικά, PDF]










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Thursday, May 24, 2012

Μάρκος 1:41:
“Σπλαχνίσθηκε”
ή “οργίσθηκε” ο Ιησούς; /

Mark 1:41:
Did Jesus “felt compassion”
or he “became angry”?



Did Jesus Get Angry or Agonize?
A Text Critic Pursues the Original Jesus Story
Picture

Christianity is a religion of the book. From the outset, it has stressed specific texts as authoritative scripture. Yet not one of these original, authoritative texts exists today. We have only late copies, dating from the second century to the sixteenth. And these copies vary considerably. Indeed, the 5,700 manuscripts of the Greek New Testament that have been catalogued contain more variations than there are words in the New Testament. Some scholars say there are 200,000 variant readings, others say 300,000, 400,000 or even more!

Some variant readings are simply scribal mistakes. Others are editorial “improvements” intended to make the text easier to understand. Still others are deliberate attempts by the scribes to make the texts more amenable to the doctrines being espoused by Christians of their own persuasion and to eliminate the possible “misuse” of the texts by Christians affirming heretical beliefs.1

Most of the variants are insignificant, of no real importance for anything other than showing that scribes could not always spell or keep focused. But in some instances, the variants have a real bearing on the meaning of the text. Two intriguing examples are found in Mark 1, involving the healing of a man with a skin disease (often translated “leprosy”), and in Luke 22, the account of Jesus’ agony in the garden. In both cases, modern translators have generally opted for what I believe is the wrong variant reading. In other words, almost everyone who reads the New Testament in English has been misreading these key passages.

The surviving manuscripts of the Gospel of Mark preserve verse 41 of chapter 1 in two different forms. Both readings are shown here, in brackets:


39And he came preaching in their synagogues in all of Galilee and casting out the demons. 40And a leper came to him beseeching him and saying to him, “If you wish, you are able to cleanse me.” 41And [“feeling compassion” or “becoming angry”], reaching out his hand, he touched him and said, “I wish, be cleansed.” 42And immediately the leprosy went out from him, and he was cleansed. 43And rebuking him severely, immediately he cast him out; 44and he said to him, “See that you say nothing to anyone, but go, show yourself to the priest and offer for your cleansing that which Moses commanded as a witness to them.” 45But when he went out he began to preach many things and to spread the word, so that he [Jesus] was no longer able to enter publicly into a city.

Most English translations render the beginning of verse 41 so as to emphasize Jesus’ love for this poor outcast leper: “feeling compassion” (the Greek used here, SPANGNISTHEIS, could also be translated “moved with pity”) for him. It is certainly easy to see why compassion might be called for in the situation. We don’t know the precise nature of the man’s disease—many commentators prefer to think of it as a scaly skin disorder rather than the kind of rotting flesh that we commonly associate with leprosy.a In any event, he may well have fallen under the injunctions of the Torah that forbade “lepers” of any sort to live normal lives: They were considered unclean, and were to be isolated, cut off from the public (Leviticus 13–14). Moved with pity for such a one, Jesus reaches out a tender hand, touches his diseased flesh and heals him.

The simple pathos and unproblematic emotion of the scene may well account for the fact that translators and interpreters, as a rule, have not considered the alternative text found in some of our manuscripts. The wording of one of our oldest Greek witnesses, the fifth-century Codex Bezae (named after Theodore Bezae, who in 1581 gave the manuscript to the University of Cambridge, where it still resides), supports the alternative reading. And Codex Bezae is supported by three ancient Latin manuscripts. Here, rather than saying that Jesus felt compassion for the man, the text indicates that he became angry (ORGISTHEIS). Because of its attestation in both Greek and Latin witnesses, this alternative reading is generally conceded by textual specialists to go back at least to the second century. Is it possible, though, that this is what Mark himself wrote?

Since most extant manuscripts use the term “compassion,” it is tempting to count noses, so to speak, and give preference to this popular variant. Most scholars today, however, are not at all convinced that the majority of manuscripts necessarily provide the best available text. In part, this is because the vast majority of our manuscripts were produced hundreds and hundreds of years after the originals, and they themselves were copied not from the originals but from other, much later copies. Once a change made its way into the manuscript tradition, it could be perpetuated until it became more commonly transmitted than the original wording.

One other consideration is the age of the manuscripts that support a reading. It is far more likely that the original form of the text will be found in the oldest surviving manuscripts—on the premise that the text gets changed more frequently with the passing of time. This is not to say that one can blindly follow the oldest manuscripts in every instance, of course. This is for two reasons, the one a matter of logic and the other a matter of history.

In terms of logic, suppose a manuscript of the fifth century has one reading, but a manuscript of the eighth century has a different one. Is the reading found in the fifth-century manuscript necessarily the older form of the text? Not necessarily. What if the fifth-century manuscript had been produced from a copy of the fourth century, but the eighth-century manuscript had been produced from one of the third century? In that case, the eighth-century manuscript would preserve the older reading.


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The second, historical, reason that one cannot simply look at the oldest manuscript, with no other considerations, is that the earliest period of textual transmission was also the least controlled.

That’s because in the first three centuries of Christianity, most of the copyists of the Christian texts were not professionals trained for the job but simply Christians of this or that congregation who were able to read and write, and so were called upon to reproduce the texts in their spare time. Because they were not highly trained or experienced, they were more prone to making mistakes.

Professional scribes probably began copying New Testament manuscripts only in the fourth century, after the Roman emperor Constantine converted to the faith and Christianity suddenly shifted from being a minor religion of social outcasts to being a major player in the religious scene of the empire.

More and more highly educated and trained persons converted to the faith. They, naturally, were the ones most suited to copying the texts of the Christian tradition. It appears that around this same time Christian scriptoria (places for the professional copying of manuscripts) arose in major urban areas.2 The texts they produced were increasingly clean and consistent.

One factor in favor of the “angry” reading is that it sounds wrong. If Christian readers today were given the choice between these two readings, no doubt almost everyone would choose the one more commonly attested in our manuscripts: Jesus felt pity for the man, and so he healed him. The other reading is difficult to figure out. What would it mean to say that Jesus felt angry?

But the fact that one of the readings makes such good sense and is easy to understand is precisely what makes some scholars suspect that it is the error. For scribes also would have preferred the text to be nonproblematic and simple to understand. The question is, Which is more likely: that a scribe copying this text would change it to say that Jesus became wrathful instead of compassionate, or to say that Jesus became compassionate instead of wrathful? Which reading better explains the existence of the other? When seen from this perspective, the “angry” Jesus is obviously more likely.

There is even better evidence than this speculative question of which reading the scribes were more likely to invent. It comes from the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. Remember, just twenty years after Mark wrote his gospel (but long before any of our extant gospel manuscripts were produced), Matthew and Luke used Mark’s account as a source for their own stories about Jesus.3 It is possible, then, to examine Matthew and Luke to see what they made of this story.


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Matthew and Luke both took over this story from Mark. It is striking that Matthew (8:2–4) and Luke (5:12–16) are almost word for word the same as Mark in the leper’s request and in Jesus’ response in verses 40–41. Which word, then do they use to describe Jesus’ reaction? Does he become compassionate or angry? Neither. Oddly enough, Matthew and Luke omit the word altogether.

If the text of Mark available to Matthew and Luke had described Jesus as feeling compassion, why would each of them have omitted the word? Both Matthew and Luke describe Jesus as compassionate elsewhere, and whenever Mark has a story in which Jesus’ compassion is explicitly mentioned, one or the other of them retains this description in his own account.4

What about the other option? What if both Matthew and Luke read in Mark’s gospel that Jesus became angry? Would they have been inclined to eliminate that emotion? There are, in fact, other occasions on which Jesus becomes angry in Mark. In each instance, Matthew and Luke have modified the accounts. In Mark 3:5 Jesus looks around “with anger” at those in the synagogue who are watching to see if he will heal the man with the withered hand. Luke 6:10 has the verse almost the same as Mark, but he removes the reference to Jesus’ anger. Matthew 12:13 completely rewrites this section of the story and says nothing of Jesus’ wrath (see also Matthew 19:14; Luke 18:16).

In sum, Matthew and Luke have no qualms about describing Jesus as compassionate, but they never describe him as angry. Whenever one of their sources (Mark) did so, they both independently rewrote the term out of their stories. Thus, whereas it is difficult to understand why they would have removed “feeling compassion” from the account of Jesus’ healing of the leper, it is easy to see why they might have wanted to remove “feeling anger.” Combined with the circumstance that the latter term is attested in a very ancient stream of our manuscript tradition and that scribes would have been unlikely to create it out of the much more readily comprehensible “feeling compassion,” it is becoming increasingly evident that Mark, in fact, described Jesus as angry when approached by the leper to be healed.

At what, though, would Jesus be angry? This is where the relationship of text and interpretation becomes critical. Some scholars who have preferred the text that says Jesus “became angry” have come up with highly improbable interpretations. They attempt to exonerate Jesus by making him look compassionate even though they realize that the text says he became angry.5 One commentator, for example, argues that Jesus is angry with the state of the world that is full of disease; in other words, he loves the sick but hates the sickness. Another interpreter argues that Jesus is angry because this leprous person had been alienated from society, but this overlooks the fact that the text says nothing about the man being an outsider and that it would not have been the fault of Jesus’ society but of the Law of God (specifically, in Leviticus). Another argues that, in fact, that is what Jesus was angry about, that the Law of Moses forces this kind of alienation. This interpretation ignores the conclusion of the passage, in which Jesus affirms the Law of Moses and urges the former leper to observe it: “Go, show yourself to the priest and offer for your cleansing that which Moses commanded” (Mark 1:44).

All these interpretations have in common the desire to exonerate Jesus’ anger and willingness to ignore what the text really says. Should we opt to do otherwise, what might we conclude?

First, we should note that in the opening part of Mark’s gospel Jesus does not come off as the meek-and-mild, soft-featured, Good Shepherd of the stained-glass window. Rather, Mark begins his gospel by portraying Jesus as a physically and charismatically powerful authority figure who is not to be messed with. Jesus is introduced by a wild-man prophet in the wilderness (1:4–8); he is cast out from society to do battle in the wilderness with Satan and the wild beasts (1:12–13); he returns to call for urgent repentance in the face of the imminent coming of God’s judgment (1:14–15); he rips his followers away from their families (1:20); he overwhelms his audiences with his authority (1:27); he rebukes and overpowers demonic forces that can completely subdue mere mortals (1:27, 34); and he refuses to accede to popular demand, ignoring people who plead for an audience with him (1:36–38).

It is possible that Jesus is being portrayed in the opening scenes of Mark’s gospel, including the scene with the leper, as a powerful figure with a strong will and an agenda of his own, a charismatic authority who doesn’t like to be disturbed.

There is another explanation, though. As I’ve indicated, Jesus does get angry elsewhere in Mark’s gospel. The next time it happens is in chapter 3, which involves, strikingly, another healing story. Here Jesus is explicitly said to be angry at Pharisees who think that he has no authority to heal the man with a crippled hand on the Sabbath.

In some ways, an even closer parallel comes in a story in which Jesus’ anger is not explicitly mentioned but is nonetheless evident. In Mark 9, when Jesus comes down from the Mount of Transfiguration with Peter, James and John, he finds a crowd around his disciples and a desperate man in their midst. The man’s son is possessed by a demon, and he explains the situation to Jesus and then appeals to him: “If you are able, have pity on us and help us.” Jesus fires back an angry response, “If you are able? Everything is possible to the one who believes.” The man grows even more desperate and pleads, “I believe, help my unbelief.” Jesus then casts out the demon.

In each of these stories, Jesus’ anger erupts when someone doubts his willingness, ability or divine authority to heal. Maybe this is what is involved in the story of the leper as well. As in the story of Mark 9, someone approaches Jesus gingerly to ask: “If you are willing you are able to heal me.” Jesus becomes angry. Of course he’s willing, just as he is able and authorized. He heals the man but, still somewhat miffed, rebukes him sharply and throws him out.

In Mark, Jesus gets angry. In Luke, he does not. In fact, Luke’s Jesus never appears disturbed at all. He is imperturbable. There is only one passage in this gospel in which Jesus appears to lose his composure. And this brings us to our second passage, Luke 22:43–44, the authenticity of which is hotly debated among textual scholars.6

Jesus is praying on the Mount of Olives just before he is betrayed and arrested (Luke 22:39–46). After enjoining his disciples to “pray, lest you enter into temptation,” Jesus leaves them, drops to his knees and prays:

Father, if it be your will, remove this cup from me. Except not my will, but yours be done.

In a large number of manuscripts the prayer is followed by the account, found nowhere else in the Gospels, of Jesus’ heightened agony and so-called bloody sweat:

And an angel from heaven appeared to him, strengthening him. And being in agony he began to pray yet more fervently, and his sweat became like drops of blood falling to the ground.

The scene closes with Jesus rising from prayer and returning to his disciples to find them asleep. He then repeats his initial injunction to them: “Pray, lest you enter into temptation.” Immediately Judas arrives with the crowds, and Jesus is arrested.

The manuscripts that are known to be the earliest and that are generally conceded to be the best (the “Alexandrian” text) do not, as a rule, include the passage about Jesus’ so-called bloody sweat (Luke 22:43–44). So perhaps they are a later, scribal addition. On the other hand, the verses are found in several other early textual witnesses and are, on the whole, widely distributed throughout the entire manuscript tradition. So were they added by scribes who wanted them in or deleted by scribes who wanted them out? It is difficult to say on the basis of the manuscripts themselves.

Some scholars have proposed that we consider other features of the verses to help us decide. One scholar, for example, has claimed that the vocabulary and style of the verses are very much like what is found elsewhere in Luke: For example, appearances of angels are common in Luke, and several words and phrases found in the passage occur in other places in Luke but nowhere else in the New Testament (such as the verb for “strengthen”). The argument hasn’t proved convincing to everyone, however, since most of these “characteristically Lukan” ideas, constructions and phrases are either formulated in uncharacteristically Lukan ways (for example, all the other angels in Luke speak but this one doesn’t) or are so common in Jewish and Christian texts outside the New Testament that their appearance in Luke’s gospel is not particularly surprising or significant. Moreover, there is an inordinately high concentration of unusual words and phrases in these verses: For example, three of the key words (“agony,” “sweat” and “drops”) occur nowhere else in Luke, nor are they found in Acts (the second volume by the same author). In sum, it is difficult to authenticate these verses on the basis of their vocabulary and style.

Another argument scholars have used has to do with the literary structure of the passage, which appears to be deliberately in the form scholars call a chiasmus. When a passage is chiastically structured, the first statement of the passage corresponds to the last one; the second statement corresponds to the second to last; the third to the third to last, and so on. The purpose of this careful design is to focus attention on the center of the passage, which provides the key to its interpretation. Without the disputed verses, the chiasmus is structured as follows:

Jesus (a) tells his disciples, “Pray lest you enter into temptation” (verse 40). He then (b) leaves them (verse 41a) and (c) kneels to pray (verse 41b). The center of the passage is (d), Jesus’ prayer itself, a prayer bracketed by his two requests that God’s will be done (verse 42). Jesus then (c′) rises from prayer (verse 45a), (b′) returns to his disciples (verse 45b), and (a′) finding them asleep, once again addresses them in the same words, telling them, “Pray lest you enter into temptation” (verses 45c–46).


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The mere presence of this clear literary structure is not really the point. The point is how the chiasmus contributes to the meaning of the passage. The story begins and ends with the injunction to the disciples to pray so as to avoid entering into temptation. Prayer has long been recognized as an important theme in the Gospel of Luke (more so than in the other Gospels); here it comes into special prominence. For at the very center of this carefully constructed chiasmus is Jesus’ own prayer, a prayer that expresses his desire, bracketed by his greater desire that the Father’s will be done (verses 41c–42). The prayer at the center supplies the key to the passage’s interpretation. This is a lesson on the importance of prayer in the face of temptation. The disciples, despite Jesus’ repeated request to them to pray, fall asleep instead. Immediately the crowd comes to arrest Jesus. And what happens? The disciples, those who have failed to pray, “enter into temptation”; Jesus is left alone to his fate. What about Jesus, the one who has prayed? When the crowd arrives, he calmly submits to his Father’s will, yielding himself up to the martyrdom that has been prepared for him. Luke is trying to show that only prayer can prepare one to die.

What happens, though, when the disputed verses (verses 43–44) are injected into the passage? The center of the passage, and hence its focus, shifts to Jesus’ agony, an agony so terrible as to require a supernatural comforter for strength to bear it. It is significant that in this longer version of the story, Jesus’ prayer does not produce the calm assurance that he exudes throughout the rest of the account; indeed, after he prays “yet more fervently,” his sweat takes on the appearance of great drops of blood falling to the ground. My point is not simply that a nice literary structure has been lost, but that the entire focus of attention shifts to Jesus in deep and heartrending agony and in need of miraculous intervention.

This may not seem like an insurmountable problem until one realizes that nowhere else in Luke’s gospel is Jesus portrayed in this way. Quite the contrary, Luke has gone to great lengths to counter the very view of Jesus that these verses embrace. Rather than entering his passion with fear and trembling, in anguish over his coming fate, the Jesus of Luke goes to his death calm and in control, confident of his Father’s will until the very end.


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That Luke deliberately portrayed Jesus this way becomes clear through a simple comparison with Mark’s version of the story, which Luke used as a source. Luke has completely omitted Mark’s statement that Jesus “began to be distressed and agitated” (Mark 14:33), as well as Jesus’ own comment to his disciples, “My soul is deeply troubled, even unto death” (Mark 14:34). Rather than falling to the ground in anguish (Mark 14:35), Luke’s Jesus bows to his knees (Luke 22:41). In Luke, Jesus does not ask that the hour might pass from him (cf. Mark 14:35); and rather than praying three times for the cup to be removed (Mark 14:36, 39, 41), he asks only once (Luke 22:42), prefacing his prayer, only in Luke, with the important condition, “If it be your will.”

Luke also remodeled Mark’s account of the crucifixion to show that Jesus was calm and in control. Mark portrays Jesus as silent on his path to Golgotha. His disciples have fled; even the faithful women look on only “from a distance.” All those present deride him—passersby, Jewish leaders and the two robbers who are to be crucified with him. Mark’s Jesus has been beaten, mocked, deserted and forsaken, not just by his followers but finally by God himself. His only words in the entire proceeding come at the very end, when he cries aloud, “Eloi, Eloi, lema sabachthani” (My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?). He then utters a loud cry and dies.

In Luke’s account, Jesus is far from silent, and when he speaks, he shows that he is still in control, trustful of God his Father, confident of his fate, concerned for the fate of others. En route to his crucifixion, according to Luke, when Jesus sees a group of women bewailing his misfortune, he tells them not to weep for him, but for themselves and their children, because of the disaster that is soon to befall them (Luke 23:27–31). While being nailed to the cross, rather than being silent, he prays to God, “Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do” (Luke 23:34). On the cross, in the throes of his passion, Jesus engages in an intelligent conversation with one of the robbers who is crucified beside him, assuring him that they will be together that very day in paradise (Luke 23:43). Most telling of all, rather than uttering his pathetic cry of dereliction at the end, Luke’s Jesus, in full confidence of his standing before God, commends his soul to his loving Father: “Father, into your hands I commend my spirit” (Luke 23:46).


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Luke thus made fundamental changes in his source (Mark) that are key to understanding our textual problem. At no point in Luke’s Passion narrative does Jesus lose control; never is he in deep and debilitating anguish over his fate. He is in charge of his own destiny, knowing what he must do and what will happen to him once he does it. This is a man who is at peace with himself and tranquil in the face of death.

The only anomaly in Luke’s portrayal of Jesus is the account of Jesus’ “bloody sweat,” an account absent from our earliest and best witnesses. Only here does Jesus agonize over his coming fate; only here does he appear out of control, unable to bear the burden of his destiny. Why would Luke have totally eliminated all remnants of Jesus’ agony elsewhere if he meant to emphasize it in yet stronger terms here? Why remove compatible material from his source, both before and after the verses in question? It appears that the account of Jesus’ “bloody sweat” is not original to Luke but is a scribal addition to the gospel.

Why, then, did scribes add these verses to the account? In the first example we discussed, from Mark 1, we saw scribes trying to make sense of a difficult passage. Like many modern readers, they were confused or perhaps even troubled by Mark’s description of Jesus’ display of anger toward the leper, and so they changed the text. In this second passage, we see the scribes altering the text to support their theological viewpoint.


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One of the most significant disputes during the second and third centuries involved the nature of Christ. Was he human? Was he divine? Was he both? If he was both, was he two separate beings, one divine and one human? Or was he one being who was simultaneously human and divine? These questions were eventually resolved in the creeds that are handed down even today, creeds that insist that there is “one Lord Jesus Christ” who is both fully God and fully man. Before these determinations were made, however, there were widespread disagreements.7 My contention is that Luke 22 was modified in order to stress the view that Jesus was fully human as well as divine.

The “bloody sweat” verses are alluded to three times by proto-orthodox authors of the mid- to late-second century (Justin Martyr, Irenaeus of Gaul and Hippolytus of Rome). Even more intriguing, each time these verses are mentioned it is in order to demonstrate that Jesus was truly a human being (as well as divine). The deep anguish that Jesus experienced according to these verses showed that he really was human, that he really could suffer like the rest of us. Thus, for example, the early Christian apologist Justin, after observing that Jesus’ “sweat fell down like drops of blood while he was praying,” claims that this showed “that the father wished his Son really to undergo such sufferings for our sakes,” so that we “may not say that he, being the Son of God did not feel what was happening to him and inflicted on him.”8 Justin and his proto-orthodox colleagues understood that the verses showed in graphic form that Jesus did not merely “appear” to be human: He really was human, in every way. It seems likely, then, that since, as we have seen, these verses were not originally part of the Gospel of Luke, they were added because they portrayed so well the genuine humanity of Jesus.

For proto-orthodox Christians like the scribes who amended this text, it was important to emphasize that Christ was a real man of flesh and blood because it was precisely the sacrifice of his flesh and the shedding of his blood that brought salvation—not in appearance but in reality.

Was Jesus an angry man? Yes, according to what I believe is the oldest form of Mark. Did he agonize in the face of death? Yes, says Mark. Never, says Luke. As we get closer to the original gospel texts, ever sharper (and sometimes increasingly different) portraits of Jesus begin to emerge.

The task of a New Testament textual critic is to try to recover the oldest, most original form of the text. For we can’t say what the words mean, if we don’t know what the words were.
Footnotes:

a. See Kenneth V. Mull and Carolyn Sandquist Mull, “Biblical Leprosy—Is It Really?” BR 08:02.

Endnotes:

1. See Bart D. Ehrman, The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture: The Effects of Early Christological Controversies on the Text of the New Testament (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1993).

2. For an argument that there is no evidence of scriptoria in the earlier centuries, see Kim Haines-Eitzen, Guardians of Letters: Literacy, Power, and the Transmitters of Early Christian Literature (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2000), pp. 83–91.

3. See Ehrman, The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 2004), chapter 6.

4. On only two other occasions in Mark’s gospel is Jesus explicitly described as compassionate: in Mark 6:34, at the feeding of the five thousand, and in Mark 8:2, at the feeding of the four thousand. Luke tells the first story completely differently, and he does not include the second. Matthew, however, has both stories and retains Mark’s description of Jesus’ being compassionate on both occasions (Matthew 14:14 [and 9:30], 15:32). On three additional occasions in Matthew, and yet one other occasion in Luke, Jesus is explicitly described as compassionate, with this term (SPLANGNIZO) used. It is difficult to imagine, then, why they both independently of each other would have omitted the term from the account we are discussing if they had found it in Mark.

5. For these various interpretations, see Ehrman, “A Sinner in the Hands of an Angry Jesus,” in New Testmanet Greek and Exegesis: Essays in Honor of Gerald F. Hawthorne, ed. Amy M. Donaldson and Timothy Sailors (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2003).

6. For a fuller discussion of this variant, see Ehrman, Orthodox Corruption of Scripture, pp. 187–194. My first treatment of this passage was cowritten with Mark Plunkett.

7. For a full discussion, see Ehrman, Orthodox Corruption of Scripture.

8. The quotations come from Justin’s Dialogue with Trypho, 103.

* Bart D. Ehrman
Did Jesus Get Angry or Agonize?
Οργιζόταν ή ένιωθε Αγωνία ο Ιησούς;»],
Bible Review, Winter 2005, 16-26, 49-50.




Sunday, November 20, 2011

Jesus as 'Lord'
in earliest Christianity /

Ο Ιησούς ως "Κύριος"
στον πρωιμότερο χριστιανισμό



To call Jesus 'Lord' therefore, was evidently not understood in earliest Christianity as identifying him with God. What Paul and the first Christians seem to have done was to claim that the one God had shared his lordship with the exalted Christ. Consequently Jesus could be hailed as Lord and receive the honour due to God alone, because God had so appointed Christ to this status and these roles; so that to call on him as Lord and to honour him as Lord was to honour the one God who had accorded him this position.


Άρα, το να καλείται ο Ιησούς "Κύριος" προφανώς δεν κατανοούνταν στην πρωιμότερη χριστιανοσύνη ως ταύτισή του με τον Θεό.
Αυτό που φαίνεται ότι έκαναν ο Παύλος και οι πρώτοι χριστιανοί ήταν ότι ισχυρίστηκαν πως ο ένας Θεός μοιράστηκε την κυριότητά του με τον εξυψωμένο Χριστό. Συνεπώς ο Ιησούς μπορούσε να χαιρετισθεί ως Κύριος και να λάβει την τιμή που ανήκει στον Θεό και μόνο, επειδή έτσι διόρισε ο Θεός τον Χριστό σε αυτή τη θέση και με αυτούς τους ρόλους· έτσι ώστε το να τον επικαλεσθεί κανείς ως Κύριο και να τον τιμήσει ως Κύριο να αποτελεί απόδοση τιμής στον ένα Θεό που του παραχώρησε αυτή τη θέση.




[Οι Αποχωρισμοί μεταξύ Χριστιανισμού και Ιουδαϊσμού και η Σημασία τους στον Χαρακτήρα του Χριστιανισμού],
SCM Press, 2006,
p./σ. 251.




Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Jesus' God /

O Θεός του Ιησού







Η αντίληψη περί Θεού. Ο Ιησούς δεν ήθελε να διαμορφώσει ένα νέο δόγμα για τον Θεό. Πίστευε στον Θεό του Ισραήλ, τον Δημιουργό και τον Κυβερνήτη, τον Νομοθέτη και τον Κριτή. Δεν όρισε την «ουσία» του Θεού, αλλά κατάφερε να φτάσει η κυριότητά του στον απόλυτο βαθμό· και αυτός ο απόλυτος βαθμός είναι η σωτηρία. Φυσιολογικά, ο Θεός έχει «ιδιότητες»· είναι δίκαιος και καλός –στην πραγματικότητα ο μόνος καλός. (Μάρκος 10:18) Αυτό, όμως, δεν αποτελεί ανάλυση της «ουσίας» του, αλλά δήλωση για τη σχέση του με τον κόσμο. Όλες οι δηλώσεις σχετικά με τον Θεό περιλαμβάνουν άμεσα τον ακροατή στον οποίο απευθύνονται: αυτός είναι Πατέρας. Είναι βέβαιο ότι αυτή η αντίληψη δεν εμφανίζεται πολύ συχνά στις αυθεντικές ρήσεις, αλλά αναπαράγει τη δομή της σχέσης με τον Θεό επαρκώς.

* Hans Conzelmann,
Jesus: the classic article from RGG expanded and updated,
English transl. J. R. Lord,
Fortress Press, 1975,
p./σ. 54.